The first step in the final stage of the establishment of an enduring peace was taken this afternoon in the Trianon Palace Hotel at Versailles. For the first time Allied and enemy plenipotentiaries were face to face. The proceedings were described on the official paper as a ╥conference╙. It had, however, inevitably another aspect; those who had the privilege of witnessing the memorable scene could not avoid associating the proceedings in the dining hall of the Palace with those of a court of justice. The arrangement of seats lent itself to this idea.
Round the room sat representatives of an outraged world. The German plenipotentiaries facing them occupied seats at a little table in the bottom of the hall, placed there in the manner of those called upon to answer an indictment. It was an aspect of the afternoon to which the tone of the principal German representative, in so far as it was intended to excuse and palliate, lent colour.
The scene which I was privileged to witness, had perceptible significance in keeping with its historic import. It was no mere formality. There was throughout a certain tension. One was acutely conscious of antagonists brought face to face. There was no attempt on the part of the Allies to emphasise this feature. They extended to Germany╒s representatives in every particular "the courtesy of privileged nationals.╙ A dignity was observed on their part which was only to be expected yet the impression of adversaries was distinctly there. One heard in the clearcut, precise tones of the President, France╒s veteran statesman.
A Contrast in the Speeches.
M. Clemenceau, in his opening words, struck the note of the afternoon: ╥The time has come when we must settle our account. You have asked for peace. We are ready to give you peace.╙ Contrasting with the President's clear, articulate voice was the guttural baritone of Count Brockdorff-Rantzau, who throughout his long statement conveyed the feeling of a certain emotional strain, his voice rising from time to time in the course of a strange medley of humble pleading and repudiation and justification.
The appeal of the proceedings, which began at three o╒clock was initially to the eye. The folding glass doors opening from the long corridor by which the Conference Hall was approached admitted a remarkable procession of the world's remarkable men. M. Clemenceau took his place at the centre of the head table and shook hands with the Allied delegates who passed his chair.
A dramatic entry was made by the German plenipotentiaries. The folding glass doors were suddenly thrown back, and an official in black, wearing a ceremonious silver chain, quieted and announced ╥Messieurs the German plenipotentiaries.╙
With the exception of Count Rantzau the delegates preserved a motionless and impassive attitude. When Rantzau commenced to read his speech he adjusted the tortoiseshell glass which from time to time during the preliminaries he nervously pushed up and down on his forehead. So far as the Allies were concerned, M. Clemenceau╒s opening observation that this was not the time or place for superfluous words was strictly adhered to. His few introductory observations and his explanation of the procedure occupied only some ten minutes.
Count Rantzau╒s first words were heard with a silent and intent expectancy on the part of the assembly. His statement, ╥We know that the power of German arms is broken,╙ was impressively uttered. He remained seated in accordance with Conference customs. One of the German interpreters translated his speech a few sentences at a time into French and it was thereupon translated into English by a second interpreter, who spoke with a marked American accent. The speech with this process occupied forty minutes. A statement of such length, and touching, as it did, a large field of controversial matters, was not anticipated, but it was
listened to throughout with an unbroken silence and attention.
One had the impression of a curiously conflicting attitude on the part of the speaker. In the main we seemed to be hearing a desperate plea for leniency from one not accustomed to speak in such terms. At times the tone seemed to change suddenly, and the Count became accusative, protesting vigorously that not Germany alone was guilty. No observation was made in response. An early instruction of M. Clemenceau was that there would be no oral discussion.
Count Brockdorff-Rantzau, speaking in German (the speech was translated into French and English), said:-
Gentlemen, ╤ We are deeply impressed with the sublime task which has brought us hither to give a durable peace to the world. We are under no illusion as to the extent of our defeat and the degree of our want of power. We know that the power of the German arms is broken. We know the power of the hatred which we encounter here, and we have heard the passionate demand that the victors shall make us pay as the vanquished, and shall punish those who are worthy of being punished.
It is demanded of us that we shall confess ourselves to be the only ones guilty of the war. Such a confession in my mouth would be a lie. We are far from declining any responsibility for this great world-war having come to pass and for its having been made in the way in which it was made. The attitude of the former German Government at the Hague Peace Conference, its actions and omissions in the tragic twelve days of July, certainly contributed to the disaster, but we energetically deny that Germany and its people, who were convinced that they were making a war of defence, were alone guilty.
The Outbreak of War.
Nobody will want to contend that the disaster took its course only in the disastrous moment when the heir to the throne of Austria-Hungary fell the victim of murderous hands. In the last fifty years the Imperialism of all the European States has chronically poisoned the international situation. The policy of retaliation and the policy of expansion and the disregard of the rights of peoples to determine their own destiny have contributed to the illness of Europe, which reached its crisis in the world-war.
The Russian mobilisation took from the statesmen the possibility of healing, and gave the decision into the hands of the military powers. Public opinion in all the countries of our adversaries is resounding with the crimes which Germany is said to have committed in the war. Here also we are ready to confess the wrong that may have been done. We have not come here to belittle the responsibility of the men who have waged the war politically and economically, and to deny any crimes which may have been committed against the rights of peoples.
New Aims of Social Progress.
You will find us ready to examine upon this basis the preliminary peace which you have proposed to us with a firm intention of rebuilding in common with you that which has been destroyed, and of repairing any wrong to Belgium ╤ any wrong that may have been committed ╤ principally the wrong to Belgium, - and to show to mankind new aims of political and social progress.
Considering the tremendous number of problems which arise, we ought as soon as possible to make an examination of the principal tasks by special commissions of experts on the basis of the treaty which you have proposed to us. In this it will be our chief task to re-establish the devastated vigour of mankind and of all the people who have taken part by an international protection of the life, health, and liberty of the working classes.
Belgium and Northern France.
As our next aim I consider the reconstruction of the territories of Belgium and of Northern France, which have been occupied by us, and which have been destroyed by war. To do so, we have taken upon ourselves a solemn obligation, and we are resolved to execute it to the extent which will have been agreed upon between us.
In this task we cannot do without the co-operation of our former adversaries. We cannot accomplish the work without the technical and financial participation of the victorious peoples, and you cannot execute it without us. Impoverished Europe must desire that the reconstruction should be fulfilled with the greatest success and with as little delay as is in any way possible.
This desire can only be fulfilled by a clear understanding about the best methods to be employed. It would be the worst method to go on and have the work done by German prisoners of war. Certainly the work is cheap, but it would cost the world dear if hatred and despair should seize the German
people, when they consider that their brothers and sons and fathers who are prisoners are kept prisoners beyond the preliminary peace doing the former penal work. Without any immediate solution of this question, which has been drawn out too long, we cannot come to a durable peace.
